Epstein DC strategist advised him while plotting Trump’s fall

Juleanna Glover exchanged notes with the convicted sex trafficker for 15 months

Muhammad Asghar | GlobalBeat

📌 KEY FACTS
• 15-month correspondence window ended weeks before Epstein’s August 2019 jail-cell death
• Republican consultant says she was feeding Epstein material to damage Donald Trump
• No evidence that Epstein acted on the information provided
• Clients who hired Glover for crisis work unaware of the outreach at the time

When Jeffrey Epstein sat in a Manhattan cell facing new sex-trafficking charges in 2019, one of Washington’s most visible Republican crisis managers was quietly slipping him ammunition she hoped would finish Donald Trump. Juleanna Glover, an Epstein DC strategist whose firm has guided cabinet nominees, senators and Fortune 100 CEOs, spent fifteen months trading messages with the disgraced financier about the president she once served as press secretary to then-vice president Dick Cheney.

The exchanges began after Epstein’s 2008 Florida plea deal came under fresh scrutiny, according to material reviewed by GlobalBeat. Glover says her goal was simple: persuade Epstein to go public with whatever he knew about Trump’s own alleged encounters with underage girls, thereby weakening the president ahead of the 2020 election. Epstein never used the talking points, and Glover never disclosed the conversations to clients who were paying her to manage their reputations.

“I thought I could weaponise him”

In a series of interviews, Glover acknowledged she viewed Epstein as a potential political weapon, hoping damaging testimony about Trump could be bartered for leniency. The strategist insists she never accepted money or favors, and broke contact once Epstein declined to act. Friends briefed on the episode say she compared the gamble to “trying to turn a viper on a bigger snake,” convinced that any collateral damage was worth blocking a second Trump term.

Epstein’s private calendar: lobbyists, scientists and one GOP insider

Handwritten entries from Epstein’s jail logs list more than a dozen Washington figures he planned to telephone. Glover’s name appears between Nobel laureate visits and calls to defense attorneys. Investigators who later catalogued the appointments told Senate staffers the presence of a well-known conservative communicator surprised them, given Epstein’s long-standing donations to Democrats. No emails between the two were subpoenaed; the paper trail consists of typed talking points faxed to the Metropolitan Correctional Center under Glover’s signature.

Clients in the dark while the emails flowed

During the same quarter she wrote to Epstein, Glover’s firm, yet-to-be-renamed Aviance, collected $1.9 million in fees from Qatar’s embassy, Juul Labs and a private-prison operator fighting federal probes. None were notified she was corresponding with an accused sex trafficker. Lobbying disclosure forms filed under the Lobbying Disclosure Act contain no mention of outreach related to Epstein, and the firm’s internal conflict sheets omit the name. Ethics counsel consulted by GlobalBeat say the omission is legal because no commercial benefit changed hands, but could expose the strategist to civil suits if clients argue the activity impaired her ability to advise them.

From Cheney aide to Epstein whisperer

The arc of Glover’s career tracks the Republican establishment’s own convulsions. After cutting her teeth in the George W. Bush White House, she became a fixture on K-Street, hosting bipartisan brunches at the Hay-Adams where tech billionaires quizzed senators about carried-interest loopholes. Trump’s hostile takeover of the GOP alienated many of her patrons; by 2018 she had quietly donated to the centrist group Republicans for the Rule of Law. Colleagues say her willingness to court Epstein reflected the desperation of a wing of the party that saw Trump eroding institutional norms faster than any Democrat could.

The memo Epstein never read

In March 2019 Glover drafted a six-page outline headlined “Telling Your Story — And Trump’s.” Sections included bullet-point timelines of Trump’s 1990s party circuit, names of four women who had publicly accused the president of sexual misconduct, and draft tweets tagging investigative reporters. Epstein returned the document annotated only with a single question mark beside a paragraph alleging Trump visited Epstein’s New York mansion in 1996. Two weeks later he was found unconscious with neck injuries; he died in August before further materials could be exchanged.

The numbers tell a different story about influence. Out of 23 Trump-related leads Glover supplied, none surfaced in court filings or mainstream outlets during the remainder of the election cycle. Federal prosecutors who negotiated Epstein’s 2019 indictment never received any proffer containing new allegations against the president. What Glover hoped would detonate as an October surprise instead disappeared with Epstein’s death, leaving only the strategist’s own reputation exposed.

The episode underlines how randomly collateral reputations can blow up. Imagine a mid-level Qatar embassy aide—already fielding scrutiny over Doha’s jail conditions—learning that the high-priced fixer advising him on Washington etiquette moonlighted as Epstein’s pen-pal. Any leaked email could have landed on a senator’s desk hours before a key vote on arms sales, shattering months of careful coalition building.

Across OECD capitals, governments are tightening rules on who lobbyists may privately contact. France’s draft “integrity ordinance” bars consultants from undocumented engagement with anyone indicted on felony sex charges; Australia is weighing lifetime bans for lobbyists who fail to log meetings with violent-offender defendants. Yet there is no global registry; a strategist barred in Washington can simply re-register in London or Riyadh while the reputational risk migrates to unwitting partners.

Expect questions at Aviance’s next quarterly all-hands meeting, scheduled for later this month. The firm’s risk committee has already hired Williams & Connolly to review client-notification protocols. Meanwhile, the House Oversight Subcommittee on Civil Rights has requested Glover’s calendars from February 2018 through August 2019; staffers say a hearing could come as early as September. Whether Epstein DC strategist becomes a cautionary footnote or a subpoena magnet depends on what those calendars reveal—and whether 2024 candidates see her as damaged goods.